CHAPTER 370: CHAPTER 375: THE PARTITION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

The answer from Minister Carl Nesselrode made Nicholas I somewhat pensive. He was not unaware of the mess within the army, nor did he lack the desire to reform the Russian Imperial Army.

However, the interest groups involved with the army were too many and too widespread, and it required determination to take the risk of undermining the foundation of the army to solve the problem.

The reason Alexander II was able to reform was predominantly because the French Empire and the Kingdom of Britain dealt a heavy blow to the Russian Imperial Army in the Balkan Region.

This shook the foundations of the Russian Imperial Army, prompting the ambitious within the army and the Tsar himself to resolve to reform. In a way, the Crimean War accelerated the pace of Russia’s industrialization.

If the Russian Empire hadn’t faced defeat, its superstructure would not have been renewed.

Expecting the subjective initiative from a decaying regime is undoubtedly a daydream.

Even so, the reform of the Russian Empire’s serfdom and army was only halfway through when it got stalled due to various external factors.

How could Nicholas I risk the authority of the Tsar by pursuing reform? He still vividly remembered how his father, Paul I, met his demise!

For Nicholas I, the existing generals in the army may have been garbage, scum, degenerates, parasites, but they were loyal to him, garbage as they might be...

Would those who weren’t garbage, scum, degenerates be truly loyal to him? Probably not!

Nicholas I could never forget the words spoken by the Decembrist officers he executed.

Without the means to shake the existing system, any reform by Nicholas I would be nothing but a fool’s dream.

Instead of allowing the army to gradually rot away, it would be better to send them to the battlefield!

Only victors are free from censure!

Regarding the solution proposed by Carl Nesselrode, Nicholas I was only slightly moved, then quickly reverted to the strategy of resolving everything through force.

Looking coldly at Carl Nesselrode from the steps, Nicholas I responded sharply, "If we follow your method, I fear I’ll never see the day Constantinople becomes part of our territory in my lifetime!"

"Your Majesty, the situation in Constantinople is complex! It is not a problem that can be solved hastily, so I ask you to patiently await the right opportunity!" Carl Nesselrode replied sincerely to Nicholas I.

"I cannot wait for that long, nor do I want to leave this problem to the Crown Prince or his generation! Every generation has its issues to resolve!" Nicholas I was utterly unyielding, already having made up his mind.

If the Russian Empire successfully seizes Constantinople, he could leverage that prestige to enact reforms.

If, unfortunately, the Russian Empire is defeated, he would take all the blame upon himself, allowing his son to reform smoothly.

Nicholas I had lived long enough and felt the need to leave his son and the Russian Empire a space to govern effectively.

"Since Your Majesty has made up your mind, I have nothing more to say!" Carl Nesselrode replied to Nicholas I in disappointment.

"However, of the strategies you mentioned, I am still willing to consider some!" Nicholas I shifted the tone and said to Carl Nesselrode.

Immediately, Nicholas I once again called in his loyal Military Attendant and instructed, "Head to Prince Paskevich’s troops at once, inform Prince Paskevich and General Gorchakov to remain stationed in the Duchy of Wallachia, and await news from St. Petersburg!"

"Yes, Your Majesty!" The Military Attendant obeyed the order, saluted, and left the Amber Hall.

Upon hearing Nicholas I’s arrangements, both Carl Nesselrode and Dolgorukov sighed in relief simultaneously.

As long as His Majesty the Tsar did not engage in warfare with the Ottoman Empire, there’s room for maneuver.

After all, without resorting to force, negotiations should naturally be handled by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs led by Carl Nesselrode.

Once the Russian Empire starts a war, everything becomes unpredictable.

However, Nicholas I’s next words plunged the two, who had just started to feel better, back into the depths of despair.

"I have decided to send General Menshikov to the Ottoman Empire to negotiate with the Ottoman Empire High Gate!" Nicholas I decided to bypass the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and send someone loyal to him to talk to the Ottoman Empire.

"Your Majesty, General Menshikov is not suited to be a competent diplomat. He should serve as an excellent general, not a diplomat." Carl Nesselrode couldn’t help but speak up again, fearing that Menshikov might ruin all Russian Empire diplomacy.

"General Menshikov has already led the reconciliation between Prussia and Austria. I believe he can successfully go on a mission to the Ottoman Empire!" Nicholas I seemed to have an almost blind confidence in Menshikov.

The reconciliation between Prussia and Austria was entirely due to the Kingdom of Prussia being militarily crushed, the Austrian Empire financially frozen by Jerome Bonaparte, along with the pressure exerted by the countries of Europe on these two nations.

The Prussia-Austria reconciliation could be said to be the work of all of Europe, and Menshikov’s role was merely to convey the Russian Empire’s demands to the Kingdom of Prussia.

Now, with the Tsar single-mindedly wanting to resolve the Ottoman Empire, Carl Nesselrode had no other good solutions. He could only hope that Menshikov would not make some unconscionable demands.

Otherwise, the negotiation would undoubtedly end in failure.

"There is one more thing!" Nicholas I’s voice came from the throne again, pointing at Carl Nesselrode: "From now on, I will personally control all diplomacy related to the Ottoman Empire. Minister Karl, you need not worry about this matter anymore! If you have time, you can handle diplomacy between the German Region and France!"

Carl Nesselrode looked at Nicholas I, stunned. He had never imagined that as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he would be sidelined by the Monarch one day.

Since Nicholas I planned to bypass him, he might as well resign.

"Your Majesty, I request to resign!" Carl Nesselrode submitted his resignation to Nicholas I.

"I said, I do not allow it!" Nicholas I brusquely refused Carl Nesselrode’s resignation request, and then, in a changed tone, comforted him: "Maintaining diplomatic relations between Prussia and Austria is also a very important task! I hope you won’t disappoint me!"

"Yes!" Carl Nesselrode responded disheartenedly.

On January 1, 1853, Carl Nesselrode lost all diplomatic powers related to the Ottoman Empire.

This included all matters concerning the Ottoman Empire department, the Russian Empire Envoy to the Ottoman Empire could directly report to Nicholas I, leaving everything to his sole decision.

After taking over all the diplomatic documents and files between the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, Nicholas I spent more than half a month reviewing them, meeting with Ministry of Foreign Affairs personnel one by one.

By mid-January 1853, he drafted his plan for the partition of the Ottoman Empire.

The Russian Empire would occupy the Danube Duchy and the Dobrogea Region, while Serbia and Bulgaria would be independent Slav states under the remote control of the Russian Empire. The Adriatic Coast, Bosnia, and Herzegovina Regions would belong to the Austrian Empire. Cyprus, Rhodes Island, and Egypt would belong to Britain. France would acquire Crete Island, and Greece would get its surrounding affiliated islands, becoming the largest regional state. Constantinople would become an international city under global protection, and the Ottoman Empire would be completely expelled from Europe.

The entire plan was seen as perfect by Nicholas I, with Russia, Britain, and Austria occupying similar territories. To prevent the French Empire from criticizing the Russian Empire on the international stage, Nicholas I "kindly" gifted the French Empire Crete Island, even allowing their favored Greece to benefit.

The world, wounded except for the Ottoman Empire, achieved this in Nicholas I’s manuscript.

Nevertheless, Nicholas I did not consider the other countries’ attitudes towards the Russian Empire. Occupying the Danube Duchy and Dobrogea Region, the Russian Empire formed a siege against the Austrian Empire. The two Slav states, said to be independent, were actually puppet states of the Russian Empire, likely to be annexed at any time, making such a partition a nightmare for the Austrian Empire.

Similarly, for the Kingdom of Britain, the Russian Empire’s actions were far from favorable. Cyprus and Rhodes Island might aid Britain’s Mediterranean maritime supremacy, but handing Crete Island to France posed a serious risk of provoking and destroying the internal competition between France and England. In Egypt, British and French capital were vying fiercely; even if the Russian Empire declared Egypt under British ownership, could Britain restrain French capital? Could Britain send troops to invade Egypt? Despite Egypt’s combat power being inferior to the European Great Powers, forcibly annexing it would only chip away at Britain’s supposed supremacy.

As for the French Empire, unless Nicholas I were willing to trample the German Region alongside Jerome Bonaparte, he would never be able to halt the French Empire’s momentum against Russia.

In summary, Nicholas I’s proposed plan was beneficial only to himself, without considering the interests and demands of other countries. Such a plan could only be accepted by Britain, France, and Austria if Nicholas I were indeed the child of destiny.

The truth proved that a Monarch lacking foresight was merely an international laughingstock.

Nicholas I, with a mindset still stuck in the era of his 1844 visit to Britain, eagerly held this plan and began discussions with Seymour, the British Ambassador to Russia.