CHAPTER 1052: CHAPTER 79 YORK VIPER

Spring Diplomacy Work Report

Date: April 15, 1833

To: British Foreign Secretary Viscount Henry John Temple (Viscount Palmerston)

From: Paris

Sender: Sir Arthur Hastings

Dear Your Excellency the Minister,

In the current complex European political situation, I deem it necessary to report to you on an important interaction I had in Paris with Giuseppe Mazzini, the leader of the Italian revolutionary organization "Young Italy". These interactions have made me profoundly realize that under the dual oppression of Austria and Russia, it may be prudent for Britain to consider an alternative path, utilizing local nationalist forces to counter our common enemies.

In 1815, to maintain their foothold in Europe, the authoritarian regimes struggled to reshape the European world according to their inherent ideologies. If, at the outset, their approach was a confident offensive, it has now turned into a defensive nature. Thus, I could boldly assert that the ’Holy Alliance’ formed by Austria, Prussia, and Russia under Metternich’s leadership has, in fact, already failed.

On the contrary, liberalism has gained considerable advantages over these past decades and increasingly takes on an offensive nature. On the other hand, various established liberal systems face different kinds of problems, conflicts, and severe tests.

1. The European Situation and the Upcoming Munich Conference

Currently, the political landscape of Europe is undergoing dramatic changes. The agreement reached between Russia and the Ottoman Empire through the Küçüktaya Agreement has further strengthened Russia’s influence in Southeastern Europe and its military presence in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea, while Austria and Prussia are attempting to further consolidate the Holy Alliance’s control over the European Continent through the upcoming Munich Conference.

According to recent intelligence, Russia, Austria, and Prussia are trying to reach new consensus at the Munich Conference to further suppress Europe’s progressive forces and to coordinate their control over Eastern and Central Europe’s political situation, thereby forcing Britain out of the region. These potential moves pose a serious threat to Britain’s overseas investments, the security of maritime routes, and inherent strategic interests.

As Mr. William Hesketh, the former State Minister who unfortunately passed away due to a train accident, said: "Dispersing an enemy’s strength is key to ensuring Britain’s national interests." In this context, supporting the Italian nationalist movements becomes particularly important, as this could not only pin down Austrian forces in Italy but also divert the attention of Prussia and Russia from other regions.

2. The Strategic Significance of Uniting European Nationalist Forces Against the Holy Alliance

With Austria relying on its long-term control over Northern Italy, it is capable of becoming one of the crucial supports of the Holy Alliance. Supporting the Italian nationalist movement can directly weaken Austria’s power in that region, compelling it to allocate more resources and attention to maintaining stability in Northern Italy, thus stretching its capacities thin and preventing the Austrians from continuing their endless disputes with Britain over other issues.

Meanwhile, the Italian people’s acclaim for liberalism also deserves our attention. After the French July Revolution of 1830, this wildfire quickly spread from Paris across Europe, gradually affecting countries such as Switzerland, Belgium, Poland, Portugal, and Britain, with the Italian states included.

In 1831, regions like Modena, Parma, Bologna, Romagna, Marche, and Umbria witnessed successive large-scale uprisings, where people raised the tricolor flag, established provisional governments, and enacted laws of a liberal nature. Although these uprisings were soon suppressed through Austrian military intervention and ended in failure, it is not difficult to discern the popular sentiments across the Apennine Peninsula.

At the same time, numerous student movements and liberal parades erupted across Germanic regions. In some small German states, such as Brunswick and Hesse, the Grand Dukes abdicated one after another, and their successors were forced to enact liberal constitutions.

Saxony hastily reformed the state representative assembly, and the Baden Parliament resumed functioning under the concessions of the rulers. The Rhine River margins of Bavaria were filled with newspapers founded by republicans, and the previously stagnant university youth unions were reinvigorated. At the Hambach Gathering held in May 1832, 30,000 participants rallied with slogans for popular sovereignty, unity, the establishment of a German Republic, and a Confederation of European Free States.

The incompetent Bavarian government, apart from resorting to lawsuits, trials, arrests, banning associations, banning assemblies, and flag exhibitions, had no solution to these liberalistic groups. Prussia was even more stagnant.

By contrast, His Majesty the King and Your Excellency the Minister, possessing foresight and long-term considerations, after learning from the nationwide riots triggered by last year’s parliamentary reform in Britain, decided to proactively send me to the Kingdom of Hanover to assist our allied brothers in formulating and passing a liberal constitution—undoubtedly a masterstroke.

Upon the passage of the new liberal constitution, the Kingdom of Hanover will become a leader of progressive liberal forces throughout the Germanic region and will serve as a model to expand Britain’s influence among the German Confederation states. I believe, in my shallow knowledge and humble opinion, this exemplary effect can likewise be applied to the Italian region.